Qualitative Research in Wilkes

It is not an easy task to find a place in order to observe people and try to understand their interests, needs, and plans. In Wilkes-Barre, there is a public square where people are occupied with a variety of thoughts and activities, and each period of time has its own characteristics and peculiarities.Advertising We will write a custom assessment sample on Qualitative Research in Wilkes-Barre specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Even the days of the week may influence people’s mood and attitude to the reality. Observing one day from lives of the senior citizens in down town (it is Friday), it is possible to understand how unique and predictable the life of an ordinary person may be. A number of international students leave their hotel rooms and go to the college to meet their purposes and get the required education. Though not all of them are eager to start studying right now, they remember about their duties and their roles i n society, this is why it seems to be reasonable to buy a cup of coffee and drink it while walking to save time. In fact, there are many activities made by people which may be used to understand better social problems and challenges as well as human needs and interests. For example, it is clear that people are in need of more time in their lives. They have to hurry up days and nights to be in time at work or home. They find it normal to drink juice or coffee walking or have a quick lunch at the restaurants. Still, the importance of weather is huge indeed. It influences human mood and activities considerably. For example, when the weather is fine, people like to walk through the squire and enjoy the surroundings. They are eager to communicate and discuss the latest news. In spite of the fact that people have some obligations (to work, to study, to be a good husband/wife), all of them are ready to entertain and be an appropriate part of society. Social norms are usually considered by people as it is observed that even at the nighttime, police officers supervise other people and control the conditions at bars and at the streets. Each restaurant on the square aims at defining people into separate social groups: for example, elderly people are the visitors of the Irish bar, students find it interesting to go to the Hardware bar, and people from the high class enjoy the services offered in the Rodalonds bar. The vast majority of people are happy, and their happiness may be predetermined by different factors, still, the main point is that Friday is today, and tomorrow will be that cherished weekend when there is no necessity to think about working challenges and duties.Advertising Looking for assessment on social sciences? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More To understand better the essence of human life and the importance of socialization, it is better to communicate with people at the street and ask as many quest ions as possible to learn their interests and demands. For example, the following list of questions may be used to study the chosen group of people at the public square: What makes you visit the square right now? Is it a necessity? A task? A duty? A personal desire? Interest? What do you find the most captivating thing at this place? Do you have a chance to visit any place in the city? Why or why not? What do you think about people around? Do you think the square should be improved? What changes are necessary for this place? Are you satisfied with the living conditions you have? Of course, it is necessary to explain that all these questions are asked purposefully and will be used to understand better the needs of society and define the possibilities to improve the place. As a rule, people of this district are friendly indeed; this is why it is always interesting and pleasant to observe the events on the square. This assessment on Qualitative Research in Wilkes-Barre was written and submitted by user Veronica Alston to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Biography of Ernesto Che Guevara, Revolutionary Leader

Biography of Ernesto Che Guevara, Revolutionary Leader Ernesto Guevara de la Serna (June 14, 1928–October 9, 1967) was an Argentine physician and revolutionary who played a key role in the Cuban Revolution. He also served in the government of Cuba after the communist takeover before leaving Cuba to try to stir up rebellions in Africa and South America. He was captured and executed by Bolivian security forces in 1967. Today, he is considered by many to be a symbol of rebellion and idealism, while others see him as a murderer. Fast Facts: Ernesto Guevara de la Serna Known For: Key figure in the Cuban RevolutionAlso Known As: CheBorn: June 14, 1928 in Rosario,  Santa Fe province,  ArgentinaParents: Ernesto Guevara Lynch, Celia de la Serna y LlosaDied: October 9, 1967  in La Higuera,  Vallegrande,  BoliviaEducation: University of Buenos AiresPublished Works: The Motorcycle Diaries, Guerrilla Warfare, The African Dream, The Bolivian DiaryAwards and Honors:  Knight Grand Cross of the  Order of the Southern CrossSpouse(s): Hilda Gadea, Aleida March  Children: Hilda, Aleida, Camilo, Celia, ErnestoNotable Quote: If you tremble with indignation at every injustice, then you are a comrade of mine. Early Life Ernesto was born into a middle-class family in Rosario, Argentina. His family was somewhat aristocratic and could trace their lineage to the early days of Argentine settlement. The family moved around a great deal while Ernesto was young. He developed severe asthma early in life; the attacks were so bad that witnesses were occasionally scared for his life. He was determined to overcome his ailment, however, and was very active in his youth, playing rugby, swimming, and doing other physical activities. He also received an excellent education. Medicine In 1947, Ernesto moved to Buenos Aires to care for his elderly grandmother. She died shortly thereafter and he began medical school. Some believe he was driven to study medicine because of his inability to save his grandmother. He was a believer in the idea that a patients state of mind is as important as the medicine he or she is given. He remained very close to his mother and stayed fit through exercise, although his asthma continued to plague him. He decided to take a vacation and put his studies on hold. The Motorcycle Diaries At the end of 1951, Ernesto set off with his good friend Alberto Granado on a trip north through South America. For the first part of the trip, they had a Norton motorcycle, but it was in poor repair and had to be abandoned in Santiago. They traveled through Chile, Peru, Colombia, and Venezuela, where they parted ways. Ernesto continued to Miami and returned to Argentina from there. Ernesto kept notes during his trip, which he subsequently made into a book, The Motorcycle Diaries, which was made into an award-winning movie in 2004. The trip showed him the poverty and misery all throughout Latin America and he wanted to do something about it, even if he did not know what. Guatemala Ernesto returned to Argentina in 1953 and finished medical school. He left again almost immediately, however, heading up the western Andes and traveling through Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia before reaching Central America. He eventually settled for a while in Guatemala, at the time experimenting with significant land reform under President Jacobo Arbenz. It was about this time that he acquired his nickname Che, an Argentine expression meaning (more or less) hey there. When the CIA overthrew Arbenz, Che tried to join a brigade and fight, but it was over too quickly. Che took refuge in the Argentine Embassy before securing safe passage to Mexico. Mexico and Fidel In Mexico, Che met and befriended Raà ºl Castro, one of the leaders in the assault on the Moncada Barracks in Cuba in 1953. Raà ºl soon introduced his new friend to his brother Fidel, leader of the 26th of July movement which sought to remove Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista from power. Che had been looking for a way to strike a blow against the imperialism of the United States that he had seen firsthand in Guatemala and elsewhere in Latin America; he eagerly signed on for the revolution, and Fidel was delighted to have a doctor. At this time, Che also became close friends with fellow revolutionary Camilo Cienfuegos. Transition to Cuba Che was one of 82 men who piled onto the yacht Granma in November 1956. The Granma, designed for only 12 passengers and loaded with supplies, gas, and weapons, barely made it to Cuba, arriving on December 2. Che and the others made for the mountains but were tracked down and attacked by security forces. Fewer than 20 of the original Granma soldiers made it into the mountains; the two Castros, Che, and Camilo were among them. Che had been wounded, shot during the skirmish. In the mountains, they settled in for a long guerrilla war, attacking government posts, releasing propaganda, and attracting new recruits. Che in the Revolution Che was an important player in the  Cuban Revolution, perhaps second only to Fidel Castro himself. Che was clever, dedicated, determined, and tough, though his asthma was a constant torture for him. He was promoted to  comandante  and given his own command. He saw to their training himself and indoctrinated his soldiers with communist beliefs. He was organized and demanded discipline and hard work from his men. He occasionally allowed foreign journalists to visit his camps and write about the revolution. Ches column was very active, participating in several engagements with the Cuban army in 1957 and 1958. Batistas Offensive In the summer of 1958, Batista sent large forces of soldiers into the mountains, seeking to round up and destroy the rebels once and for all. This strategy was a huge mistake and backfired badly. The rebels knew the mountains well and ran circles around the army. Many of the soldiers, demoralized, deserted or even switched sides. At the end of 1958, Castro decided it was time for the knockout punch. He sent three columns, one of which was Ches, into the heart of the country. Santa Clara Che was assigned to capture the strategic city of Santa Clara. On paper, it looked like suicide. There were some 2,500 federal troops there, with tanks and fortifications. Che himself only had roughly 300 ragged men, poorly armed and hungry. Morale was low among the Cuban soldiers, however, and the populace of Santa Clara mostly supported the rebels. Che arrived on December 28 and the fighting began. By December 31, the rebels controlled the police headquarters and the city but not the fortified barracks. The soldiers inside refused to fight or come out, and when Batista heard of Ches victory he decided the time had come to leave.  Santa Clara was the largest single battle of the Cuban Revolution  and the last straw for Batista. After the Revolution Che and the other rebels rode into Havana in triumph and began setting up a new government. Che, who had ordered the execution of several traitors during his days in the mountains, was assigned (along with Raà ºl) to round up, bring to trial, and execute former Batista officials. Che organized hundreds of trials of Batista cronies, most of them in the army or police forces. Most of these trials ended in a conviction and execution. The international community was outraged, but Che didnt care: he was a true believer in the Revolution and in communism. He felt that an example needed to be made of those who had supported tyranny. Government Posts As one of the few men truly trusted by  Fidel Castro, Che was kept very busy in post-Revolution Cuba. He was made the head of the Ministry of Industry and head of the Cuban Bank. Che was restless, however, and he took long trips abroad as a sort of ambassador of the revolution to improve Cubas international standing. During Ches time in governmental office, he oversaw the conversion of much of Cubas economy to communism. He was instrumental in cultivating the relationship between the  Soviet Union  and Cuba and had played a part in trying to bring Soviet missiles to Cuba. This, of course, was a major factor in the  Cuban Missile Crisis. Chà © the Revolutionary In 1965, Che decided he was not meant to be a government worker, even one in a high post. His calling was revolution, and he would go and spread it around the world. He disappeared from public life (leading to incorrect rumors about a strained relationship with Fidel) and began plans for bringing about revolutions in other nations. The communists believed that Africa was the weak link in the western capitalist/imperialist stranglehold on the world, so Che decided to head to the Congo to support a revolution there led by Laurent Dà ©sirà © Kabila. Congo When Che had left, Fidel read a letter to all of Cuba in which Che declared his intention to spread revolution, fighting imperialism wherever he could find it. Despite Ches revolutionary credentials and idealism, the Congo venture was a total fiasco. Kabila proved unreliable, Che and the other Cubans failed to duplicate the conditions of the Cuban Revolution, and a massive mercenary force led by South African Mad Mike Hoare was sent to root them out. Che wanted to remain and die fighting as a martyr, but his Cuban companions convinced him to escape. All in all, Che was in Congo for about nine months and he considered it one of his greatest failures. Bolivia Back in Cuba, Che wanted to try again for another communist revolution, this time in Argentina. Fidel and the others convinced him that he was more likely to succeed in Bolivia. Che went to Bolivia in 1966. From the start, this effort was also a fiasco. Che and the 50 or so Cubans who accompanied him were supposed to get support from clandestine communists in Bolivia, but they proved unreliable and possibly were the ones who betrayed him. He was also up against the CIA, which was in Bolivia training Bolivian officers in counterinsurgency techniques. It wasnt long before the CIA knew Che was in the country and began monitoring his communications. The End Che and his ragged band scored some early victories against the Bolivian army in mid-1967. In August, his men were caught by surprise and one-third of his force was wiped out in a firefight; by October, he was down to only about 20 men and had little in the way of food or supplies. By now, the Bolivian government had posted a $4,000 reward for information leading to Che. That was a lot of money in those days in rural Bolivia. By the first week of October, Bolivian security forces were closing in on Che and his rebels. Death On October 7, Che and his men stopped to rest in the Yuro ravine. Local peasants alerted the army, who moved in. A firefight broke out, killing some rebels, and Che himself was injured in the leg. On October 8, he was captured alive, allegedly shouting out to his captors I am Che Guevara and worth more to you alive than dead. The army and CIA officers interrogated him that night, but he did not have much information to give out. With his capture, the rebel movement he headed was essentially over. On October 9, the order was given, and Che was executed, shot by Sergeant Mario Tern of the Bolivian Army. Legacy Che Guevara had a huge impact on his world, not only as a major player in the Cuban Revolution but also afterward, when he tried to export the revolution to other nations. He achieved the martyrdom that he so desired, and in doing so he became a larger-than-life figure. Che is one of the most controversial figures of the 20th century. Many revere him, especially in Cuba, where his face is on the 3-peso note and every day schoolchildren vow to be like Che as part of a daily chant. Around the world, people wear t-shirts with his image on them, usually portraying a famous photo taken of Che in Cuba by photographer Alberto Korda (more than one person has noted the irony of hundreds of capitalists making money selling a famous image of a communist). His fans believe that he stood for freedom from imperialism, idealism, and a love for the common man and that he died for his beliefs. Many despise Che, however. They see him as a murderer for his time presiding over the execution of Batista supporters, criticize him as the representative of a failed communist ideology and deplore his handling of the Cuban economy. Around the world, people love or hate Che Guevara. Either way, they will not soon forget him. Sources Castaà ±eda, Jorge C.  Compaà ±ero: the Life and Death of Che Guevara. New York: Vintage Books, 1997.Coltman, Leycester.  The Real Fidel Castro.  New Haven and London: the Yale University Press, 2003.Sabsay, Fernando.  Protagonistas de Amà ©rica Latina, Vol. 2.  Buenos Aires: Editorial El Ateneo, 2006.

A Brief Look Into The Life of Donald Trump

A Brief Look Into The Life of Donald Trump Regardless of what your political opinion of Donald Trump is, you can’t deny that he has been a very influential figure, in the world of politics. Arguably the most polarizing presidential candidate in history, he’s managed to take that, and use it to propel himself into the Oval Office. The question that everyone keeps asking is how did he do it? How did he get to where he is today? While we can speculate on whether his success was predetermined or earned, one thing we cannot speculate on are the facts.That being said, take a look at the infographic below, detailing a brief history on the life of Donald Trump. Perhaps you’ll be able to identify any patterns or trends that would foreshadow his success, and journey to the Oval Office.  Source:[BusinessInsider]

Poetry & Response Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Poetry & Response - Essay Example The third part is the animated segments which is the illustration of the poem itself. I appreciated how the movie was structured. At first I thought that it was just a simple biography of Ginsberg but after watching the movie, I realized it was not a biopic but it actually focused on the poem â€Å"Howl†. I find the film entertaining with its crossing of different time periods and animation techniques. I think the animation is quite traditional but very imaginative. I am impressed with the contrast presented by the monochrome flashbacks as against the colorful courtroom scenes. I admired the interesting courtroom scenes especially since I learned that the dialogue used was derived from the actual courtroom transcripts. That is important to me because I know that the movie was faithful to facts. However, I think that the courtroom scenes would have been more meaningful if Ginsberg was present Bravo to James Franco’s portrayal of the young Ginsberg which fits him to a â€Å"T†. I consider his performance as outstanding and convincing. I appreciate Franco’s intonation and inflection since it was an accurate depiction of Ginsberg’s way of speaking. Kudos too to Jon Hamm and David Strathairn who played their roles perfectly as warring lawyers. In conclusion, I think that â€Å"Howl† was effective in bringing a radical literary piece to the movies and making it come alive. The performance of the actors contributed much to the boldness and worthiness of this film. The movie’s value is in its innovativeness in interspersing the courtroom drama with the elaborate animation and the rendition of the key moments of Ginsberg’s youth. I would gladly watch this movie again and recommend it to my

Zara Industries Case Analysis Assignment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Zara Industries Case Analysis Assignment - Essay Example Ferdows, Lewis, and Machuca suggest customers purchase clothing from Zara as a response to the unique retail store experience. The fashions are presented in a spacious store, averaging approximately 1,000 square meters, but in limited supply. For example, they may display just one of each size of a given style of pants, so the customer feels as though they must buy the clothing or miss out on the opportunity (Ferdows, Lewis, and Machuca). 2. How does the design function at Inditex differ from similar design shops at H&M and GAP? Explanation Zara has its supply chain completely under control. The company is able to have its inexpensive, fashionable clothing styles from the designer to the retail location in about two weeks (Capell). It typically takes GAP 9 months for clothing styles to make it from design to retail. H&M on the other hand takes approximately 20 days to get its designs into its stores; because like Zara, its costs are under control and the supply chain is very tight (L arenaudie). Impact on Costs and Profit Approximately 70% of the compensation paid to sales managers working in the Zara retail locations is based on commission. This is an incentive for them to accurately identify trends on a daily basis to inform the 300 designers what is hot at the moment, and what is not selling very well (Capell).

Corporation and Profit Retention Essay Example for Free

Corporation and Profit Retention Essay Sole Proprietorship: This is by far the most common form of business. It is the most common because it is the easiest to form. In order to create this type of business one simply has to â€Å"hang their shingle out† and let the commerce commence. However with such limited oversight also comes unlimited liability. Liability- Liability exposure with sole proprietorships is a huge draw back.. The owner and the business, legally, are one and the same. This leaves all the owners property ( and the business assets since they are one and the same) at risk. Income Tax- There are no real tax advantages at this level. It is known as a â€Å"pass through† entity. The income that is generated passes through the business to the owner. Taxes are paid at the individual level. Longevity- Unless the owners will provides specific direction in the contrary, the business is directly linked to the owners health. Since the owner and the business are legally indistinguishable from one another when the owner dies the business also dies. Control- Unlimited control is another attractive quality of Sole Proprietorships. Since legally there is no separation you may do with the company as you see fit. From what services are offered to what the logo looks like all decisions are the owners to make. Profit Retention- Since the owners efforts alone are responsible for the amount of profit generated, they keep it all. After the employees ( if any ) are paid what is left is the owner’s. Because they have total control, they may reinvest it in the company or they make take it all out. Location- Since there is no legal paperwork filed with any state agency, moving locations is as simple as driving to another state and setting up shop. That being said if you required state license in the original state, you would need the equivalent in the new location. Convenience/Burden- There are no legal documents that need to be filed with any state agency. Owner and company are indivisible so there is no paper work saying otherwise. At the most you may need to file a Doing Business As (D.B.A. ) with your local tax office to allow you to open a bank in the company’s name. General Partnership: This type of company is usually formed when two or more individuals with different skill sets get together. Each participant brings with them their own experience and skills in order to create a new venture. While the liabilities are not bore alone, the partners are not sheltered from them. Liability- While they are split in a predetermined percentage, the liabilities of a General partnership are unlimited. There is nothing that is off the table including your personal assets. Income Tax- There is no real tax shelter provided at this level. Income that is generated is â€Å"passed through† to the partners. They will pay taxes at the individual level. There are however, various tax forms that need to be filled out. Longevity- When a partner dies the partnership ceases to exist. The partners may not pass on the original partnership agreement to their heirs. There may be a buy/sell clause in the articles of partnership. Control- Complete control is given up to a vote of the general partners. If there is no consensus made, the articles of partnership should dictate how the disagreement is handled. Profit Retention- After the business debts are paid, the partners split the net profit. The articles of partnership will usually dictate the percentages, and if no mention is made it is assumed it is split evenly. Location- The fact that a partnership is not it’s own legal entity makes it relatively easy to move. If there is a market in a new location there is very little that prohibits moving. Convenience/Burden- While no state/federal documents are required, you will need an â€Å"Articles of Partnership† drawn up. This will act as the bylaws/charter for decisions and operations moving forward. There are a few tax forms that need to be completed by the partners at the appropriate time. Limited Partnership: This type of business is used more as an investment vehicle than a job or career. It allows an investment to be made and fostered from a distance. If you are the limited partner though, you may not have a hand in the day-to-day activities or management. Liability- As a limited partner your investment is your only liability. That being said your stake in the partnership is an asset that personal creditors may come after. Tax- As a limited partner your revenue from the company is federally taxed at the personal level. There are various situations to avoid taxation as a corporation. General partners must pay self employment tax. Longevity-A limited partnership is sometimes used as an estate planning tool. Therefore the continuity from generation to generation is very customizable. The limited partner may die and this will have very little impact on the business. Control- As a limited partner you have no say in the management or daily activities of the business. You may not bind the partnership to anything as a limited Partner. A general partner runs the daily operations and makes the management decisions. Profit Retention- If you are a limited partner you are entitled to the agreed upon amount of profit only after the general partner is paid. As a limited partner you have very little influence over the amount of profit generated. Location- Limited partnerships can change locations but it is inconvenient and could be considerably more expensive. Some states mandate the filing of tax forms for limited partnerships, not to mention some states have state income taxes. Convenience/ Burden- Articles of Partnership are needed. There are some states witch require registering limited partnerships, and strict attention should be paid to the activities witch the IRS considers â€Å"corporate.† C Corporations: C Corporations are a legal entity unto themselves. They shield the share holders, board members, and employees from liabilities. They have the ability to raise capital by selling portions of the company, and huge tax loopholes to shelter revenue. With all the loopholes however are huge tax burdens, often over 30% of the net. Liability- A corporation is a legal â€Å"being†. It can be sued, or bring legal action against someone. Therefore it provides a large umbrella for its owners and employee’s alike. When malfeasance occurs it will absorb the effects. Income Tax- Being it’s own legal entity is not cheap. The state that the business is located in could very well impose taxes, as well as the federal corporate tax rate witch is the highest in the world. Couple this with the fact that the employees that work there are then taxed again at the individual level, and you see how quickly things add up. Longevity- Corporations have the potential to last forever. Due to the fact that authority is so decentralized, one person getting ill or leaving the company is no more than a bump in the road. You could pass on your shares or stake in a company through proper estate planning. Control- If you were to incorporate your business it could be set up so that your family always had a seat on the board or always had voting rights at a shareholders meetings. However, especially in a public company, you must act in the best interest of the shareholders. No one person runs a corporation alone, there are shareholders, and usually board members. Authority being so decentralized makes complete autonomy very rare. Profit Retention- As there are many owners there are also many hands in the pot. The fact is that each shareholder is entitled to a portion of the company’s profit in direct relation to how much of the company they own. In closely held corporations this could be 3-4 individuals, but in a multi-national company this could be millions of people. Location- The federal government does not create any corporations. This is done at the state level. For a corporation to go from one state to another they would have to file as a foreign corporation. This can get expensive and legally â€Å"sticky† when deal with different state laws and agencies. Convenience/Burden- To incorporate a business is relatively easy. The challenge and burden comes in keeping it running and staying on the proper side of legal. It must file it’s own tax returns, contend with state and local laws, maintain the strictest accounting practices, conduct annual shareholders meetings, all while turning a profit for its shareholders. No small task. S Corporations- S Corporations are a legal entity. They offer a legal umbrella to their employees and owners as well. They have the ability to raise capital by selling off small pieces of themselves as stock. The S corporation has to follow the same strict accounting and reporting procedures as corporations, however their income is not taxed the same. Liability- An S corporation is a legal â€Å"being†. Therefore it provides a large umbrella of protection for its owners and employee’s alike. When malfeasance occurs it will absorb the effects. Income Tax- An S corporation is a specialized tax situation. It has most of the reporting and recording requirements of a C corp. but allows for the â€Å"pass through† of revenue to the individuals. The company The S corp. designation is however for federal purpose’s only, the state the company is in will certainly have it’s own laws. Longevity- S Corporations have the potential to last forever. Due to the fact that authority is so decentralized, one person getting ill or leaving the company is no more than a bump in the road. You could pass on your shares or stake in a company through proper estate planning. You could also have a seat on the board reserved for your family/heirs. Control- The fact is when a S Corporation is formed the corporation has to do what is best for itself. A lot like an autonomous person, it must continue to look out for its own survival. Normally one person does not dictate the course of a Corporation, there are several in charge of this. Profit Retention- Since there is no one individual at the pinnacle the profits are distributed through out. If there is a board of directors, share holders, stock owners, all of these individuals are entitled to a portion of the profits. Location- The federal government does not create any corporations. This is done at the state level. For a corporation to go from one state to another they would have to file as a foreign corporation. This can get expensive and legally â€Å"sticky† when deal with different state laws and agencies. Couple this with the fact that states deal with S corporations wildly different, from treating them like the federal government to not recognizing them at all. Convenience/Burden- To incorporate a business is relatively easy, although the fee’s can add up. S corporations must avoid several pitfalls so as they are not taxed like C corp.’s. This and the fact that the accounting is so stringent, they may not have over 100 share holders that meet once a year, and the laws so wildly differ from state to state make the burden factor high indeed. Limited Liability Company- With the protection of a corporation and the flexibility of a Sole Proprietorship, the LLC has become extremely popular since it’s recent creation. However they are not a vehicle for taking a company public, capital can be difficult to raise because the members will have to guarantee the loans, and the members must take care not to intermingle funds. Liability- The LLC, like a corporation, is it’s own legal â€Å"being†. It provides an umbrella for it’s members to operate under and not fear liability claims against themselves personally. Income Tax- LLC’s are in the unique position of deciding how they want to be taxed on a yearly basis. Most of the time LLC’s can function like other forms of small business. The income will pass through to the members who will then pay at the individual level. It does however have the option of paying at the corporate level so as to lower the tax bracket. (This is because the highest individual tax rate is higher than the corporate tax rate.) Longevity- If a member of an LLC dies or retires action will be determined by the operating agreement. This could include a buy/sell clause for the heirs, a transfer of ownership, or whatever state law dictates. In most cases Control- The fact that an LLC could be run by just one person means that he /she could have just as much control as a sole proprietor. The catch is with the finance’s. The finance’s must be maintained â€Å" at arms length† to maintain the corporate veil of protection. So long as this is done, the majority member/owner of the LLC has complete control. Profit Retention- The profits generated by the business flow to the members. The amount is in direct correlation with the amount of ownership each member holds. Location- All 50 states allow LLC’s now but the law varies wildly. Some states still want an ad run in the paper when a business is formed and others require a single 1 page form. To move from state to state can be done but the local laws might be prohibitive. Convenience/Burden- The LLC doesn’t require anywhere near the amount of accounting as a corporation. The articles of organization needs to be filed to create it and then the operating agreement dictates how it’s run.

Essay on the Gay as a Literary Figure in The Picture of Dorian Gray

The Gay as a Literary Figure in The Picture of Dorian Gray  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚   This paper shall explore the gay as a literary figure based on Oscar Wilde's The Picture of Dorian Gray. The aim of the essay is threefold. Firstly, to show how the gay is related to two of the most potent archetypal images: those of Dionysos and Apollo. Secondly, to demonstrate that the Wildean gay is profoundly afraid of life, and that his interest in form and aesthetic proportion rests on a principle of "evasion." Thirdly, to contend that the humor in this novel, and by extension also in Wilde's plays, is a symptom of the author's fascination with an archetypal "gay." The Picture of Dorian Gray revolves around Dorian's dual nature. On the one hand, he is the young hero whose adventures the novel records; on the other, he is a painted image of "extraordinary personal beauty." When Lord Henry tells him that his exceptional looks will not last, the young man prays that he be allowed to remain as he is in Basil's portrait of him. Dorian wants to enjoy his youth for ever. His "mad wish" is a key to the archetypal factors which... ... intoxication and Apollonian form; of Dionysian involvement and Apollonian unapproachability. He is able to enjoy the Dionysian pleasures to which he wants to abandon himself, but at an Apollonian distance. Works Cited Wilde, Oscar. The Picture of Dorian Gray. Ed. Isobel Murray. London: Oxford University Press, 1974. Wilde, Oscar. The Letters of Oscar Wilde. Ed. R. Hart-Davis. London: Hart-Davis, 1962. Jung, C.G. The Collected Works. Ed. Sir Herbert Read etc. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1953-1976. Vol. 9.ii; par. 73. Also CW 11.283.   

Persuasive Bullying Essay

This article is a practical help for you in your persuasive bullying essay writing. In order to write a good persuasive bullying essay, you have to become determine with the fact what the bullying is and how badly it influences the people. The definition of the notion of bullying is as follows: bullying is an open aggression towards a person or towards a group of people by the other person or a group of people. There are so many kinds of bullying, however, we are going to deal with the bullying, which is taking place in the colleges and other higher educational establishments because of this problem is too sharp in this very field nowadays. In order to write a professional persuasive bullying essay you have to write it from the prism of psychology. That is why be ready to investigate and analyze a lot while your persuasive bullying essay writing. A Topic Addressing a Common Occurrence Bullying Essays Need Novel and Fresh Perspectives Have you ever been bullied? Have you ever bullied someone? Sometimes what we think as simple teasing may amount to bullying in the eyes and the minds of someone with a sensitive mind. Therefore, this is a common occurrence which has repercussions which most of us may not foresee. Writing a bullying essay, can contain the feelings you had when either being bullied or bullying someone. On the other hand, it could be about the repercussions as mental trauma undergone by the victims. There are many ways in which to write this essay. However, firstly, we need to understand what bullying is. Defining Bullying Bullying is behaviour where one individual who is usually physically bigger act obnoxiously, annoying and physically and mentally disturbing another individual. Most often bullying comes from people who are either lacking in social skills or some form of personal affliction or a complex. Bullying is most common in young children. There are many instances where a small made child is often bullied by bigger and aggressive children. But we also see adults resorting to bullying younger children or more timid individuals. Write a Bullying Essay Which Address this Social Bane The Dire Repercussions of Bullying can be addressed in a Bullying Essay Bullying is something which can occur in many places. Bullying will begin mainly in schools, beginning at the age of ten or twelve. However, it is something which many people do regardless of age as well. This extends the habit to colleges, work place and even home. Writing a bullying essay will educate you and others on the repercussions of bullying. Your essay on bullying can be handled in various ways. If you wish, you will be able to concentrate on the repercussions of being bullied, especially once itâ„ ¢s carried too far, how to stop bullying, and the reasons for bullying. Make sure that you develop a proper essay layout and plan what part of bullying you will concentrate on in your essay.

Application of Simulation Technique in Queuing Model for ATM Facility Essay

1.0 Issues/ Problem Statement: Most of the ATMs have the problem of long queue of customers to undergo simple transaction at the peak hours and remain idle due to the lack of customer entry at the off peak hours. 2.0 Objectives: 1. To develop a simulation model to reduce the waiting time of customers and the total operation cost related to ATM installation. 2. To determine whether only one machine is required to fulfill the need or two more machines are needed to be installed to give comfort to customers who are really of short period of time. 3. To develop an efficient procedure for ATM queuing problem 3.0 Literature Review: Apart from ATM problem, simulation with queuing model had been used for various applications too: According to Pieter Tjerk de Boer (1983), substantial focus has been dedicated to the estimation of overflow probabilities in queuing networks. A different adaptive method has applied to queuing problems than in the present work with few simple models been considered.The article of S. S. Lavenberg(1989) has discussed that simulation is feasible for statistically studying a complex queuing model. Moderate simulation durations are found to be sufficient to obtain precise confidence interval estimates. As current configuration at each step of savings or insertion procedures is possibly infeasible, thus the alternative configuration is one that yields the largest savings in some criterion functions with these procedures can be found in Clarke and Wright (1964) or in Solomon (1987). Christofides et al (1981) has discussed Lagrangean relaxation procedures for the queuing of customer in front of ATM. Interactive optimization is incorporated into the problem-solving process with adaptations of this approach to queuing are presented by Krolak et al (1970). Brame and SimchiLevi (1995) has illustrated simulation model is worked by initially introducing the location based heuristic for general queuing problem as a location problem which is solved subsequently and the solution is transformed into solution to the queuing problem. 4.0 Methodology: Simulation technique in queuing model is used for solving ATM waiting time problem since this problem cannot be solved with mathematical techniques and physical experimentation. Simulation technique helps identifying the pitfalls of existing 3 ATM services of 3 different banks at VIT (Vellore Institute of Technology). Initially, the simulation is being applied to see the rate of entry and exit, the waiting time of a customer with the ATM machine’s idle time after observation of the similar and continuous trend on weekdays and weekends separately. The next step i.e. utilize queuing model to examine the number of customers in the system to the customers wait before being served, thereby it proposes a new ATM service from any of these banks or other than the existing banks based upon the service required from the customers. A suitable simulation technique is also formulated to reduce idle time of servers and waiting time of customers for any bank having ATM facility. 5.0 Findings: The overall result shows the comparison between the three banks based on several characteristic, by applying mathematical formula, the simulation technique and queuing theory. From the simulation result, Indian Bank weekend has the lowest expected time customer spends in the system, 80; whereas Indian Bank weekdays free and Centurion bank have the highest in expected time customer spends in the system that is 120. Apart from that, the result also shows Indian Bank weekdays free and Centurion Bank has the 0 time for the customer expected to wait, whereas SBI weekend has the highest expected waiting time per customer, 12. From the queuing result, Centurion Bank has the lowest expected time customer spend in the system that is 189, whereas Indian Bank weekdays free, SBI weekdays free and SBI weekend has showed the highest, 250. For the expected waiting time per customer, Centurion Bank has showed the lowest 69, whereas SBI weekend with the highest result, 159. 6.0 Discussions: By taking one day as a standard, a heavy crowd is found in prime hours during the weekdays in Indian Bank and SBI ATMs, the equipment ATM is 100% utilized by the customers. Utilization factor for Indian Bank and SBI in the non-busy hours is 50% and 55% respectively. In weekend period, the utilization factor for Indian Bank and SBI is 62% and 64% respectively. The reason shows that the SBI has obtained the highest utilization factor among the other 2 banks is because of the customers do not face the â€Å"Out of Service Problem† which is frequently occurred in Indian Bank and Centurion Bank, with an average of two times in a week. However, it takes more time to reload the currency in the ATM machine than Indian Bank in SBI. Few customers have the ATM transaction with Centurion Bank because of the dissatisfaction on its customer service and the minimum number of branches throughout the India. In addition, from the tabulate results, SBI ATM has obtained the minimum Ws and Wq than the other two banks which imply that it has attained the customer satisfaction on its services. 7.0 Recommendations: Every aspect that has an effect on making the waiting time longer in the ATM should be taken into the consideration. The aspects like the people that are not well versed with ATM, customers who have stand in the queue and leave, the time the workers take to feed the ATM with currency, out of stock situation and holidays which mostly after exams the utility of ATM should be taken into account of the waiting problem. Another recommendation is the sample size should be extended into larger sample size and more days of observation to obtain more accurate results. In addition, the consideration of waiting cost and service cost can help developing an efficient procedure for ATM queuing problem and to find out the best ATM facility. 8.0 Conclusion: Queuing Model and Simulation Model(SM) are used to define the queuing problems in terms of decision making to reduce the customer’s waiting time. After comparing the customers’ behaviour on different TM service at VIT, a new ATM machine (SBI) should be installed in men’s hostel to facilitate more customers towards the service by reducing the customers cost and service cost for the long run’s benefit. 9.0 Personal Comment/ opinion: In the last ten years, simulation software and methodology has been developed and used in the bank services. The previous sections have shown that using the simulation technique can increase sustainability of a bank with better customer service and enhanced customer satisfaction. However, this simulation technique is not limited only in modeling the customer in a bank, but the same concept can also be applied in defining and analyzing the model of a system or problem in the banking areas. Other areas can be modeled in banking areas such as customer flows to evaluate alternative layout within a branch bank, cash flows between branches and the bank’s central office. Once these models developed, it can easily be used to examine the effect of different parameters on the variables in the model.

Attitudes, Personality, Behavior Ajzen 1988 Essays

Attitudes, Personality, Behavior Ajzen 1988 Essays Attitudes, Personality, Behavior Ajzen 1988 Essay Attitudes, Personality, Behavior Ajzen 1988 Essay 6 FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS [From: I. Ajzen (1988), Attitudes, personality, Behavior. Chicago: Dorsey Press] It*s a long step from saying to doing. Cervantes In the previous chapter we began to unravel the mystery surrounding prediction and explanation of specific action tendencies by turning our attention to behavioral dispositions that correspond precisely to the particular action tendency of interest. Based on this principle of compatibility, the present chapter introduces a conceptual framework for the prediction of specific action tendencies, a framework that deals with a limited set of dispositional antecedents assumed to guide specific action tendencies, with the origins of these dispositions, and with the relations among them. Incorporated into this conceptual framework are the two behavior-specific dispositions discussed in Chapter - perceived behavioral control and attitude toward the behavior - as well as a few additional concepts required for a more complete account of the determinants of specific action tendencies. The case of willful behavior Many behaviors in everyday life, which are often the behaviors of greatest interest to personality and social psychologists, can be thought of as being largely under volitional control. That is to say, people can easily perform these behaviors if they are so inclined, or refrain from performing them if they decide against it. In Western countries most people can, if they so desire, vote in political elections, watch the evening news on television, buy toothpaste at a drugstore, pray at a nearby church or synagogue, or donate blood to their local hospitals. If they wish, they may also decide against engaging in any of these activities. The important point about willful behaviors of this kind is that their occurrence is a direct result of deliberate attempts made by an individual. The process involved can be described as follows. In accordance with deliberations to be described below,, a person forms an intention to engage in a certain behavior. Intentions are assumed to capture the motivational factors that have an impact on a behavior; they are indications of how hard people are willing to try, of how much of an effort they are planning to exert, in order to perform the behavior. These intentions remain behavioral dispositions until, at the appropriate time and opportunity, an attempt is made to translate the intention into action. Assuming that the behavior is in fact under volitional control, the attempt will produce the desired act. This implies that the disposition most closely linked to a specific action tendency is the intention to perform the action under consideration. In other words, when dealing with volitional behavior people can be expected to do what they intend to do. Expressions of behavioral intention should thus permit a highly accurate prediction of corresponding volitional action. Predicting behavior from intention The literature contains many examples of intentions that are highly correlated with volitional behavior. Table 6. 1 shows a few representative findings. It can be seen that intentions have been found to predict a variety of corresponding action tendencies, ranging from simple strategy choices in laboratory games to actions of appreciable personal or social significance, such as having an abortion, smoking marijuana, and choosing among candidates in an election. It is worth noting that the intentions assessed in these ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR studies were highly compatible with the behaviors in terms of the target, action, context, and time elements. Thus, in the study reported by King (1975), the behavior of interest was whether or not college students would attend church services in the course of a 2-week vacation. This behavior could be predicted with a high degree of accuracy by asking the students, prior to the recess, how likely it was that they would attend church services at least every 2 weeks. Available evidence also supports the idea that intentions are close antecedents of overt actions. If intentions are indeed the immediate determinants of volitional behavior then they should correlate more strongly with the behavior than do other kinds of antecedent factors. Consistent with this argument, the predictive validity of intentions is typically found to be significantly greater than that of attitudes toward the behavior. Consider, for example, the study by Manstead et at. (1983) on the prediction of breastfeeding versus bottle-feeding of newborn infants. As we saw in Chapter 5, mothers* attitudes toward these alternative feeding practices had a correlation of 0. 7 with the feeding method they actually employed. By way of comparison, inspection of Table 6. 1 shows that the intention- behavior correlation in this study was 0. 82. Very similar results were obtained with respect to cooperation in Prisoner*s Dilemma games (Ajzen, 1971; Ajzen and Fishbein, 1970). In Chapter 5, the correlations between attitudes toward choosing the cooperative alternative and actual game behav ior were reported to have ranged from 0. 63 to 0. 70. When predicted from intentions, correlations with game behavior were found to be in the 0. 82– 0. 85 range. Another example is contained in a study by Ajzen et at. (1982). The use of marijuana by college students served as one of the behavioral criteria in this study. The students evaluated â€Å"my smoking marijuana in the next 3 or 4 weeks† on a set of semantic differential scales and also indicated, on a 7point scale, the likelihood that they would perform this behavior. About 4 weeks later they were contacted by telephone and asked to indicate whether or not they had smoked marijuana during the time that had passed. In Table 6. 1 it can be seen that this self-report of marijuana use correlated 0. 2. with intentions; its correlation with attitude toward smoking marijuana was, at 0. 53 significantly lower. FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 3 Stability of intentions Intentions are thus closely linked to volitional actions and can predict them with a high degree of accuracy. This is not to say, however, that a measure of intention will always correlate strongly with the corresponding behav ior. Clearly, intentions can change over time; the longer the time interval, the greater the likelihood that unforeseen events will produce changes in intentions. A measure of intention obtained before the changes took place cannot be expected to predict behavior accurately. It follows that accuracy of prediction will usually decline with the amount of time that intervenes between measurement of intention and observation of behavior. Imagine, for example, a woman who intends to vote for the Democratic candidate in a race for the United States Senate. After her intention is assessed, she learns - by watching a television interview with the candidate a few days before the election - that he opposes abortion and equal rights for women. As a result, she â€Å"changes her mind,† decides to vote for the Republican candidate instead, and actually does so in the election. Her actual voting choice corresponds to her most recent intention, but it could not have been predicted from the measure of intention obtained at the earlier point in time. Several studies have demonstrated the disruptive effects of unforeseen events. For instance, SongerNocks (1976a, 1976b) assessed intentions to choose the cooperative alternative at the beginning of a 20trial, two-person experimental game. One-half of the pairs of players were given feedback after each trial which informed them about the choices made by their partners and of the pay-offs to each player. The other pairs were given no such information. Feedback concerning the partner*s competitive or cooperative behavior may, of course, influence a player*s own intentions regarding future moves in the game. Consistent with this argument, Songer-Nocks reported that providing feedback significantly reduced the accuracy with which initial intentions predicted actual game behavior. More indirect evidence regarding the disruptive effects of unanticipated events is available from studies that have varied the amount of time between the assessment of intentions and observation of behavior. Since the likelihood of unforeseen events will tend to increase as time passes, we would expect to find stronger intention- behavior correlations with short rather than long periods of delay. Fishbein and Coombs (1974) reported findings in support of this expectation. In this study, intentions to vote for Goldwater in the 1964 United States presidential election correlated o. o with self-reported voting choice when the intention was measured 1 month prior to the election and 0. 89 when it was measured during the week preceding the election. Sejwacz et al. (1980) also obtained support for the disruptive potential of temporal delay in a study of weight loss. A sample of college women indicated their intentions to perform eight weight-reducing behaviors (avoid snacking between meals , participate in sports on a regular basis, etc. ) at the beginning of a 2-month period and again 1 month later. Correlations were computed between initial intentions and reported behavior over the 2-month period, and between subsequent intentions and reported behavior during the final month. As expected, intention- behavior correlations were stronger for the 1-month period than for the 2-month period. For example, the correlation between intention to avoid long periods of inactivity and performance of this behavior (as recorded by the women in weekly logs) was higher when the time period was 1 month (r = 0. 72) than when it was 2 months (r = 0. 47). Considering all eight behaviors, the average correlation increased from o. 1 for the 2-month period to 0. 67 for the 1-month period. Explaining volitional behavior: a theory of reasoned action The finding that intentions often predict behavior quite accurately does not in itself provide much information about the reasons for the behavior. Beyond confirming that the behavior in question is under volitional control, it is not very illuminating to dis cover that people do what they intend to do. Since we are interested in understanding human behavior, not merely in predicting it, we must try to identify the determinants of behavioral intentions. Ajzen and Fishbein*s (1980; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975) theory of reasoned action, mentioned in Chapter z, is designed to accomplish precisely this goal; that is, the theory is concerned with the causal antecedents of volitional behavior. As its name implies, the theory of reasoned action is based on the assumption that human beings usually behave in a sensible manner; that they take account of available information and implicitly or explicitly consider the implications of their actions. Consistent with its focus on volitional behavior, and ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 4 n line with the findings reported earlier, the theory postulates that a persons intention to perform (or not to perform) a behavior is the immediate determinant of that action. Barring unforeseen events, people are expected to act in accordance with their intentions. Attitudes and subjective norms According to the theory of reasoned action, intentions are a function of two basic determinants, one personal in na ture and the other reflecting social influence. The personal factor is the individual*s attitude toward the behavior, first encountered in Chapter and again earlier in this chapter. Unlike general attitudes toward institutions, people, or objects that have traditionally been studied by social psychologists, this attitude is the individual*s positive or negative evaluation of performing the particular behavior of interest. The second determinant of intention is the person*s perception of social pressure to perform or not to perform the behavior under consideration. Since it deals with perceived normative prescriptions, this factor is termed subjective norm. Generally speaking, people intend to perform a behavior when they evaluate it positively and when they believe that important others think they should perform it. The theory assumes that the relative importance of attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm depends in part on the intention under investigation. For some intentions attitudinal considerations are more important than normative considerations, while for other intentions normative considerations predominate. Frequently, both factors are important determinants of the intention. In addition, the relative weights of the attitudinal and normative factors may vary from one person to another. Figure 6. is a graphic representation of the theory of reasoned action as described up to this point. Many studies have provided strong support for the hypothesized links between intention as the dependent variable and attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm as the independent variables. Most studies have used multiple linear regression procedures to estimate, in terms of a multiple correlation (R), the simultaneous predictive power of attitudes and subjective norms, as well as the rela tive contributions of the two predictors in terms of standardized regression coefficients. Table 6. 2 shows the results obtained in the studies discussed earlier (see Table 6. 1) as well as a few additional examples. It can be seen that, with respect to a variety of different intentions, consideration of attitudes and subjective norms permitted highly accurate prediction. The multiple correlations in the studies listed ranged from 0. 73 to 0. 89. The relative importance of the two predictors is revealed by inspecting FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 5 columns 3 and 4. In all cases, attitudes and subjective norms both made significant contributions to the prediction of intentions, although in eight of the ten studies, the relative contribution of attitudes exceeded that of sub jective norms. Perhaps not surprisingly, however, women*s decisions to have an abortion, and a couple*s decision to have another child, were more strongly affected by perceived social pressure than by personal attitudes. ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 6 For many practical purposes this level of explanation may be sufficient. We can to some extent account for the intentions people form by examining their attitudes toward the behavior, their subjective norms, and the relative importance of these two factors. However, for a more complete understanding of intentions it is necessary to explore why people hold certain attitudes and subjective norms. Antecedents of attitudes toward a behavior. In Chapter 2 we discussed, in general terms, the formation of attitudes within the framework of the theory of reasoned action. There we showed how evaluations of any object follow reasonably from the beliefs we hold about the object. We can now apply these ideas to the formation of attitudes toward a behavior. According to the theory of reasoned action, attitude toward a behavior is determined by salient beliefs about that behavior, termed behavioral beliefs. Each behavioral belief links the behavior to a certain outcome, or to some other attribute such as the cost incurred by performing the behavior. For example, a person may believe that â€Å"going on a low sodium diet† (the behavior) â€Å"reduces blood pressure,† â€Å"leads to a change in life style,† â€Å"severely restricts the range of approved foods,† and so forth (outcomes). The attitude toward the behavior is determined by the person*s evaluation of the outcomes associated with the behavior and by the strength of these associations. As we see in Chapter 2 the evaluation of each salient outcome contributes to the attitude in proportion to the person*s subjective probability that the behavior will produce the outcome in question. By multiplying belief strength and outcome evaluation, and summing the resulting products, we obtain an estimate of the attitude toward the behavior, an estimate based on the person*s salient beliefs about the behavior. This expectancy-value model is described symbolically in Equation 6. 1, where AB stands for attitude toward behavior B; bi is the belief (subjective probability) that performing behavior B will lead to outcome i; ei is the evaluation of outcome i; and the sum is over the n salient beliefs. It can be seen that, generally speaking, a person who believes that performing a given behavior will lead to mostly positive outcomes will hold a favorable attitude toward performing the behavior, whereas a person who believes that performing the behavior will lead to mostly negative outcomes will hold an unfavorable attitude. AB = 3biei (6. 1) Several of the studies cited earlier have reported data that confirm the expectancy-value model of attitude described in Equation 6. 1. For example, King (1975) assessed behavioral beliefs concerning the advantages and disadvantages of attending church services at least every 2 weeks as well as evaluations of these outcomes. Responses were used to compute an estimate of attitude toward attending church services in accordance with Equation 6. 1. In addition, King used an evaluative semantic differential to obtain a relatively direct measure of the same attitude. The correlation between the direct evaluation of the behavior and the belief-based measure was found to be 0. 69. High correlations between direct and belief-based measures of attitude have also been reported with respect to such behaviors as voting choice in a United States presidential election (r = 0. 79), using birth control pills (r = 0. 79), and choice of a career orientation (r = 0. 81) (see Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). Antecedents of subjective norms. Subjective norms, the second major determinant of intentions in the theory of reasoned action, are also assumed to be a function of beliefs, but beliefs of a different kind, namely the person*s beliefs that specific individuals or groups approve or disapprove of performing the behavior. Serving as a point of reference to guide behavior, these individuals and groups are known as referents. For many behaviors, the important referents include a person*s parents, spouse, close friends, coworkers, and, depending on the behavior involved, perhaps such experts as physicians or tax accountants. The beliefs that underlie subjective norms are termed normative beliefs. Generally speaking, people who believe that most referents with whom they are motivated to comply think they should perform the behavior will perceive social pressure to do so. Conversely, people who believe that most referents with whom they are motivated to comply would disapprove of their performing the behavior will have a subjective norm that puts pressure on them to avoid performing the behavior. The relation between normative beliefs and subjective norm is expressed symbolically in Equation 6. . Here, SN is the subjective norm; bj is the normative belief concerning referent j; mj is the person*s motivation FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 7 to comply with referent j; and n is the number of salient normative beliefs. SN % 3bjmj (6. 2) Subjective norms can be assessed in a relatively direct manner by asking respondents to judge how likely it is that most people who are important to them would approve of their per forming a given behavior. Such direct measures have been compared with belief-based estimates of subjective norms, computed in accordance with Equation 6. . Correlations between the two types of measures are generally quite high, ranging from 0. 60 to 0. 80 (see Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). The discussion up to this point shows how volitional behavior can be explained in terms of a limited number of concepts. Through a series of intervening steps the theory of reasoned action traces the causes of behavior to the person*s salient beliefs. Each successive step in this sequence from behavior to beliefs provides a more comprehensive account of the factors that determine the behavior. At the initial level behavior is assumed to be determined by intention. At the next level these intentions are themselves explained in terms of attitudes toward the behavior and subjective norms. The third level accounts for attitudes and subjective norms in terms of beliefs about the consequences of performing the behavior and about the normative expectations of relevant referents. In the final analysis, then, a person*s behavior is explained by considering his or her beliefs. Since people*s beliefs represent the information (be it correct or incorrect) they have about themselves and about the world around them, it follows that their behavior is ultimately determined by this information. 1 The informational foundation of behavior A concrete example may help clarify the role of beliefs in determining the performance of a specific behavior. Manstead et a!. (1983) compared the beliefs of mothers who breast-fed their babies with mothers who used the bottle-feeding method. Based on prior research in the field, the investigators selected the six reasons women cite most frequently for breast-feeding their babies and the six reasons they cite most frequently for bottle-feeding their babies. With respect to each of these 12 salient behavioral beliefs, women about to give birth were asked to provide two measures: their subjective probabilities that a given feeding method is associated with the cited consequence, and their evaluations of that consequence. The following are examples for each feeding method. Behavioral beliefs Breast-feeding protects a baby against infection likely :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: unlikely Bottle-feeding provides incomplete nourishment for a baby likely :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: unlikely Outcome evaluations Using a feeding method that protects a baby against infection is very important :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: completely unto me important to me Using a feeding method that provides complete nourishment for my baby is very important :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: completely unto me important to me ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 8 Table 6. shows the average likelihood rating (7 = likely, 1 = unlikely) provided by mothers who breast-fed their babies and mothers who bottle-fed their babies. Statistical significance between the two groups is indicated. As can be seen, the two groups of mothers differed significantly on all six of the behavioral beliefs about breast feeding. Examination of these differences reveals some of the reasons for choosing on e or the other feeding method. Although all women tended to agree that breast-feeding establishes a close bond between mother and baby, the women who held this belief more strongly were more likely to choose the breast-feeding method. In a similar vein, the choice of breast-feeding increased with the perceived likelihood that this method is good for the mother*s figure, provides the best nourishment for a baby, and protects a baby against infection. On the other hand, the more a woman believed that breast-feeding is embarrassing for the mother or limits her social life, the less likely she was to use this method. With respect to the bottle-feeding method, the two groups of mothers differed significantly on only three of the six behavioral beliefs. An examination of the significant differences shows that perceived outcomes of bottle-feeding which best explained the choice of this method were the beliefs that it is a very convenient method, that it enables the father to be involved in feeding, and that it is a trouble-free feeding method. It is possible, in a similar fashion, to compare the outcome evaluations of mothers who breast-fed their babies with those of mothers who chose the bottle-feeding method. Such a comparison provides additional information about the reasons for choosing one method over the other. Table 6. presents the average outcome evaluations for the two groups 1 = completely unimportant, 7 = very important). Examining the six evaluations that distinguished significantly between the two groups, it can be seen that mothers tended to choose the breast-feeding method if, in comparison to mothers who chose the bottle-feeding method, they judged as relatively important the following outcomes: having a good figure, establishing a close bond with their babies, providing complete nourishment for their babies, and FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 9 protecting their babies against infection. In addition, these mothers also rated as relatively unimportant the outcomes of feeling embarrassed, allowing the baby*s father to be involved in the feeding, and being able to see exactly how much milk baby has had. The study by Manstead et al. (1983) also reported interesting data concerning the effects of normative beliefs on the choice of breast-versus bottle-feeding. The salient normative referents identified in this context were the baby*s father, the mother*s own mother, her closest female friend, and her medical adviser (usually a gynecologist). With respect to each referent, normative beliefs about breastfeeding and about bottle-feeding were assessed, as was motivation to comply with each referent. The following scales illustrate the procedures used. Normative beliefs The baby*s father thinks that I definitely should :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: definitely should breast-feed not breast-feed Motivation to comply In general, how much do you care what the baby*s father thinks you should do? Do not care at all :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: Care very much Table 6. 5 shows the average normative beliefs for the two groups of mothers. The differences between mothers who breast-fed their babies and mothers who used the bottle are statistically significant for each normative belief. Inspection of the normative beliefs for mothers who used the breast-feeding method reveals that, in their opinions, important referents strongly preferred this method over the alternative bottle-feeding method. In contrast, women who believed that their referents had no strong preferences for either method were more likely to feed their babies by means of a bottle. ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 10 Finally, the mothers* average motivations to comply with each of the four salient referent individuals are presented in Table 6. 6. Both groups of mothers were highly motivated to comply with the baby*s father, and they had moderately strong motivations to comply with their own mothers and closest female friends. The only significant difference emerged with respect to the women*s medical advisers. Mothers who eventually decided to breast-feed their babies were more highly motivated to comply with their medical advisers than were mothers who eventually decided to use The bottle. This is consistent with the finding that the former mothers perceived their medical advisers to be strong advocates of the breastfeeding method. (see Table 6. 5). To summarize briefly, research on the theory of reasoned action describes how people tend to proceed on a course of action in quite a deliberate manner. The initial considerations deal with the likely consequences of performing a certain behavior and expectations of important referent individuals or groups. Depending on the evaluation of the behavior*s likely consequences and motivation to comply with referent sources, attitudes and subjective norms emerge that guide the formation of behavioral FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 11 intentions. Barring unforeseen events that might change the intentions, and contingent on the behavior being under volitional control, the intentions are carried out under appropriate circumstances. The case of incomplete volitional control The theory of reasoned action was developed explicitly to deal with purely volitional behaviors. In this context it has proved quite successful. Complications are encountered, however, when we try to apply the theory to behaviors that are not fully under volitional control. A well-known example is that many smokers intend to quit but, when they try, fail to attain their goal. In the theory of reasoned action, intentions are the prime motivating force and they mediate the effects of other factors, i. e. of attitude toward the behavior and of subjective norm. The stronger are people*s intentions to engage in a behavior or to achieve their behavioral goals, the more successful they are expected to be. However, the degree of success will depend not only on one*s desire or intention, but also on such partly nonmotivational factors as availability of requisite opportunities and resources. To the extent that people have the required opportunities and resources, and intend to perform the behavior, they should succeed in doing so. At first glance, the problem of behavioral control may appear to apply to a limited range of actions only. Closer scrutiny reveals, however, that even very mundane activities, which can usually be executed (or not executed) at will, are sometimes subject to the influence of factors beyond one*s control. Such a simple behavior as driving to the supermarket may be thwarted by mechanical trouble with the car. Control over behavior can thus best be viewed as a continuum. On one extreme are behaviors that encounter few if any problems of control. A good case in point is voting choice: once the voter has entered the voting booth, selection among the candidates can be done at will. At the other extreme are events, such as sneezing or lowering one*s blood pressure, over which we have very little or no control. Most behaviors, of course, fall somewhere in between these extremes. People usually encounter few problems of control when trying to attend lectures or read a book, but problems of control are more readily apparent when they try to overcome such powerful habits as smoking or drinking or when they set their sights on such difficult-to-attain goals as becoming a movie star. Viewed in this light it becomes clear that, strictly speaking, most intended behaviors are best considered goals whose attainment is subject to some degree of uncertainty. We can thus speak of behavior-goal units, and of intentions as plans of action in pursuit of behavioral goals (Ajzen, 1985). Control factors Many investigators have in recent years turned their attention to the question of volitional control (e. g. KuhI, 1985; Liska, 1984; Sarver, 1983; Triandis, 1977). On the following pages we review some of the factors that can influence the degree of control a person has over a given behavior. Internal factors Various factors internal to an individual can influence successful performance of an intended action. Some of these factors are readily modified by training and experience while others are more resistant to change. Information, skills, and abilities. A person who intends to perform a behavior may, upon trying to do so, discover that he or she lacks the needed information, skills, or abilities. Everyday life is replete with examples. We may intend to convert another person to our own political views, to help a boy with his mathematics, or to repair a malfunctioning record player, but fail in our attempts because we lack the required verbal and social skills, knowledge of mathematics, or mechanical aptitudes. To be sure, with experience we tend to acquire some appreciation of our abilities; yet new situations arise frequently, and failure to achieve our goals due to the lack of requisite skills is the order of the day. The lack of ability in an unusual sense is illustrated in a study by Vinokur-Kaplan (1978) who assessed a couple*s intention to have another child the following year. When interviewed 12 months ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 12 later, actually having given birth to a child correlated o. 55 with intentions, a correlation which, although significant, is lower than the intention- behavior correlation observed in many other contexts. Having another child is, of course, only partially under volitional control, since fecundity, miscarriage, and other factors also mediate attainment of this goal. Finally, forgetting is an interesting type of internal factor frequently cited as a reason for failure to carry out an intention (see Kuhl, 1985). A planned appointment or a deadline intended to be met can â€Å"slip a person*s mind†. In their study on blood donation, Pomazal and Jaccard (1976) interviewed people who had indicated an intention to donate but whose names did not appear on the official donor list. Among the reasons frequently mentioned was that they had simply forgotten all about it. Emotions and compulsions. Skills, abilities, and information may present problems of behavioral control, but it is usually assumed that, at least in principle, these problems can be overcome. In contrast, some types of behavior are subject to forces that seem to be largely beyond our control. People sometimes appear unable to cease thinking or dreaming about certain events, to stop stuttering, or to hold a tic in check. These compulsive behaviors are performed despite intentions and concerted efforts to the contrary. Emotional behaviors seem to share some of the same characteristics. Individuals are often not held responsible for behaviors performed under stress or in the presence of strong emotions. We usually attribute little behavioral control to a person who is â€Å"overcome by emotion. † Violent acts and poor performance are expected under such conditions, and there seems to be little we can do about it. In sum, as we move beyond purely volitional acts, various internal factors may influence the successful performance of intended behavior. It may be fairly easy to gain control over some of these factors, as when we acquire the information r skills needed to perform a behavior. Other factors, such as intense emotions, stress or compulsions, are more difficult to neutralize. External factors Also impinging on a person*s control over attainment of behavioral goals are situational or environmental factors external to the individual. These factors determine the extent to which circumstances facilitate or interfere with the performance of the behavior. Opp ortunity. It takes little imagination to appreciate the importance of incidental factors or opportunities for the successful execution of an intended action. An intention to see a play cannot be carried through if tickets are sold out on a particular night or if the person is involved in a serious accident on the way to the theater. The Pomazal and Jaccard (1976) study of blood donation again provides relevant examples. When students who had failed to carry out their intentions to donate blood were interviewed, they often mentioned that such unforeseen obligations or events as exams, job interviews, and coming down with a cold had prevented them from participating in the blood drive. Given the presence of many disruptive factors, it is hardly surprising that the correlation between intention and behavior was found to be of only moderate magnitude (r = 0. 52). In some instances, students came to give blood but were turned away because of overcrowding. When these individuals were considered to have performed the behavior, the intention- behavior correlation increased to 0. 59. At first glance, lack of opportunity may appear equivalent to occurrence of unanticipated events that bring about changes in intentions, as discussed previously. While it is true that in the absence of appropriate opportunities people may come to change their intentions, there is an important difference between the two cases. When new information becomes available after intentions have been stated, the new information may affect salient beliefs about the behavior and thus lead to changes in attitudes, subjective norms, and intentions; at the end of this process the person is no longer interested in carrying out the original intention. By way of contrast, lack of opportunity disrupts an attempted behavior. Here, the person tries to carry out the intention but fails because circumstances prevent performance of the behavior. Although the immediate intention will be affected, the basic underlying determinants need not have changed. Consider again the intention to see a particular play. Reading a negative review or being told by a FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 13 friend that the play is not worth seeing may influence the person*s beliefs such as to produce a more negative attitude toward the intended behavior and perhaps also a more negative subjective norm. As a result the person may no longer intend to see the play on the night in question or on any other night, unless and until other events again cause a change of mind. Contrast this with the person who intends to see the play, drives to the theater, but is told that there are no more tickets available. The environmental obstacle to performance of the behavior will force a change of plan; but it need not change the person*s attitude or subjective norm with respect to seeing the play. Instead, it may merely cause the person to try again on a different night. Note also that lack of opportunity poses a problem only when the performance of a behavior on a single occasion is to be predicted. Behavioral tendencies across occasions are relatively unaffected because appropriate opportunities are likely to be present on at least some occasions. Dependence on others. Whenever the performance of a behavior depends on the actions of other people, there exists the potential for incomplete control over behavioral goals. A good example of behavioral interdependence is the case of cooperation. One can cooperate with another person only if that person is also willing to cooperate. Experimental studies of cooperation and competition in laboratory games have provided ample evidence for this interdependence. For example, Ajzen and Fishbein (1970) reported correlations of 0. 92. and 0. 89 between cooperative strategy choices of the players in two Prisoner*s Dilemma games. These high correlations suggest that a person*s tendency to make cooperative choices depends on reciprocation by the other player. As is true of time and opportunity, the inability to behave in accordance with intention because of dependence on others need not affect the underlying motivation. Often an individual who encounters difficulties related to interpersonal dependence may be able to perform the desired behavior in cooperation with a different partner. Sometimes, however, this may not be a viable course of action. A wife*s adamant refusal to have more children will usually cause the husband eventually to abandon his plan to enlarge the family, rather than shift his effort to a different partner. In short, lack of opportunity and dependence on others often lead only to temporary changes in intentions. When circumstances prevent the performance of a behavior, the person may wait for a better opportunity and, when another person fails to cooperate, a more compliant partner may be sought. However, when repeated efforts to perform the behavior result in failure, more fundamental changes in intentions can be expected. A theory of planned behavior The above discussion makes clear that many factors can disrupt the intention- behavior relation. Although volitional control is more likely to present a problem for some behaviors than for others, personal deficiencies and external obstacles can interfere with the performance of any behavior. Collectively, these factors represent people*s actual control or lack of control over the behavior. [See also the discussions of â€Å"facilitating factors† by Triandis â€Å"the context of opportunity† by Sarver (1983), â€Å"resources† by Liska (1984) and â€Å"action control† by KuhI (1985). ] Given the problem*s ubiquity, a behavioral intention can best be interpreted as an intention to try performing a certain behavior. A father*s plan to take his children fishing next weekend is best viewed as an intention to try to make time for this activity, to prepare the required equipment, secure a fishing license, and so forth. The successful performance of the intended behavior is contingent on the person*s control over the many factors that may prevent it. Of course, the conscious realization that we can only try to perform a given behavior will arise primarily when questions of control over the behavior are salient. Thus, people say that they will try to quit smoking or lose weight, but that they intend to go to church on Sunday. Nevertheless, even the intention to attend Sunday worship services must be viewed as an intention to try performing this behavior since factors beyond the individual*s control can prevent its successful execution. A recent attempt to provide a conceptual framework that addresses the problem of incomplete volitional control is Ajzen*s theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985; Ajzen and Madden, 1986; Schifter and Ajzen, 1985). This conceptual framework is an extension of the theory of reasoned action. As in the original model, a central factor in the theory of planned behavior is an individual*s intention to perform the ehavior of interest. In contrast to the original version, however, the theory of planned behavior postulates three, rather than two, conceptually independent determinants of intentions. The first ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 14 two - attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm - are the same as before. The third and novel antecedent of intention is the deg ree of perceived behavioral control. This factor, discussed in Chapter 5, refers to the perceived ease or difficulty of performing the behavior and it is assumed to reflect past experience as well as anticipated impediments and obstacles. As a general rule, the more favorable the attitude and subjective norm with respect to a behavior, and the greater the perceived behavioral control, the stronger should be the individual*s intention to perform the behavior under consideration. Note that the theory of planned behavior does not deal directly with the amount of control a person actually has in a given situation; instead, it considers the possible effects of perceived behavioral control on achievement of behavioral goals. Whereas intentions reflect primarily an individual*s willingness to try enacting a given behavior, perceived control is likely to take into account some of the realistic constraints that may exist. To the extent that perceptions of behavioral control correspond reasonably well to actual control, they should provide useful information over and above expressed intentions. A structural model of the theory of planned behavior is shown in Figure 6. 2. Figure 6. 2 shows two important features of the theory of planned behavior. First, the theory assumes that perceived behavioral control has motivational implications for intentions. People who believe that they have neither the resources nor the opportunities to perform a certain behavior are unlikely to form strong behavioral intentions to engage in it even if they hold favorable attitudes toward the behavior and believe that important others would approve of their performing the behavior. We thus expect an association between perceived behavioral control and intention that is not mediated by attitude and subjective norm. In Figure 6. this expectation is represented by the arrow linking perceived behavioral control to intention. The second feature of interest is the possibility of a direct link between perceived behavioral control and behavior. As noted earlier, in many instances, the performance of a behavior depends not only on motivation to do so but also on adequate control over the behavior in question. It follows that perceived behavioral control can help predict goal attainment independent of behavioral intention to the extent that it reflects actual control with some degree of accuracy. In other words, perceived behavioral control can FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 15 influence behavior indirectly, via intentions, and it can also be used to predict behavior directly because it may be considered a partial substitute for a measure of actual control. Of course, in some situations perceived behavioral control is not particularly realistic. This is likely to be the case when the individual has little information about the behavior, when requirements or available resources have changed, or when new and unfamiliar elements have entered into the situation. Under those conditions a measure of perceived behavioral control may add little to the accuracy of behavioral prediction. The broken arrow in Figure 6. 2 indicates that the link between perceived behavioral control and behavior is expected to emerge only when there is some agreement between perceptions of control and the person*s actual control over the behavior. Like the theory of reasoned action, the theory of planned behavior deals with the antecedents of attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control, antecedents which in the final analysis determine intentions and actions. Recall that, at the most basic level of explanation, behavior is assumed to be a function of salient information, or beliefs, relevant to the behavior. Three kinds of beliefs are distinguished: behavioral beliefs which are assumed to influence attitudes toward the behavior, normative beliefs which constitute the underlying determinants of subjective norms, and control beliefs which provide the basis for perceptions of behavioral control. Earlier we discussed the effects of behavioral beliefs on attitude toward the behavior, and the effects of normative beliefs on subjective norms. In a similar fashion, control beliefs are assumed to provide the basis for perceived behavioral control. According to the theory of planned behavior, among the beliefs that ultimately determine intention and action is a set that deals with the presence or absence of requisite resources and opportunities. These beliefs may be based in part on past experience with the behavior, but they will usually also be influenced by second-hand information about the behavior, by observing the experiences of acquaintances and friends, and by other factors that increase or reduce the perceived difficulty of performing the behavior in question. The more resources and opportunities individuals think they possess, and the fewer obstacles or impediments they anticipate, the greater should be their perceived control over the behavior. As with behavioral and normative beliefs, it is possible to separate out these control beliefs and treat them as partially independent determinants of behavior. Just as beliefs concerning consequences of a behavior are viewed as determining attitudes, and normative beliefs are viewed as determining subjective norms, so beliefs about resources and opportunities may be viewed as underlying perceived behavioral control. Consider the case of regular attendance at class lectures in college. As part of a pilot study, Ajzen and Madden (1986) elicited salient beliefs about factors that might help or interfere with the performance of this behavior. The following ten factors were mentioned with the greatest frequency: conflicting events, sickness, family obligations, employment, being tired or listless, transportation problems, upsetting personal problems, oversleeping or forgetting, heavy load imposed by other classes, and failure to prepare class assignments. In the experiment itself, control beliefs were assessed by asking respondents to rate, on 7-point scales, the likelihood that each of the ten factors would occur. The sum over these responses provided a belief-based measure of perceived behavioral control. In addition, Ajzen and Madden also asked students to judge more directly how much control they thought they had over regular class attendance. Specifically, the following three questions were posed at separate points in the questionnaire. 1. How much control do you have over whether you do or do not attend this class every session? omplete :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: very little control control 2. For me to attend every session of this class is easy :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: difficult 3. If I wanted to, I could easily attend this class every session likely :___:___:___:___:___:___:___: unlikely ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 16 A direct measure of perceived behavioral control was obtained by summing over responses to th ese three items. A correlation of 0. 54 confirmed the hypothesized link between this direct measure and the belief-based measure of perceived behavioral control described above. The theory of planned behavior is a general model in which the theory of reasoned action represents a special case. As noted earlier, the original model was designed to deal with behaviors over which people have a high degree of volitional control and it assumed that most behaviors of interest in the domains of personality and social psychology fall into the volitional category (see Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). The theory of planned behavior, however, explicitly recognizes the possibility that many behaviors may not be under complete control, and the concept of perceived behavioral control is added to handle behaviors of this kind. However, when behavioral control approaches its maximum and issues of control are not among an individual*s important considerations, then the theory of planned behavior reduces to the theory of reasoned action. In those instances, neither intentions nor actions will be affected appreciably by beliefs about behavioral control and the only remaining dispositions of interest are attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm. Prediction of intentions Earlier in this chapter we reviewed some of the empirical evidence in support of the theory of reasoned action. Clearly, this evidence is also supportive of those aspects of the theory of planned behavior that overlap with the theory of reasoned action. The theory of planned behavior, however, goes beyond the theory of reasoned action in that it introduces the concept of perceived behavioral control and proposes a direct causal effect of perceived control on intention, an effect not mediated by attitude or subjective norm. Evidence for this aspect of the theory is examined in the present section. Schifter and Ajzen (1985) applied the theory of planned behavior to the prediction of weight loss intentions, and actual weight reduction, among female college students. Attitudes toward losing weight during the following 6 weeks were assessed by means of several evaluative semantic differential scales. To measure subjective norms, participants were asked to indicate, again on 7-point scales, whether people who were important to them thought they should lose weight over the next 6 weeks, and whether those people would approve or disapprove of their losing weight. As a measure of perceived behavioral control, participants indicated, on a scale from 0 to 100, the likelihood that if they tried they would manage to reduce their weight over the next 6 weeks and their estimates that an attempt on their part to lose weight would be successful. The final measure of interest for present purposes dealt with intentions to lose weight over the following 6 weeks. Each woman indicated, on several 7-point scales, her intention to try to reduce weight and the intensity of her decision. The first row in Table 6. shows the correlations of intentions to lose weight with attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioral control. It can be seen that all three predictors correlated significantly with intention. A hierarchical regression analysis was performed on intentions to lose weight in which attitudes and subjective norms were entered on the first step, and perceived behavioral control on the second. 2 This analysis reveals the effect of perceived behavior al control on intentions after the effects of attitude and subjective norm have been statistically removed. Thus, the hierarchical regression analysis tests the idea that perceived behavioral control contributes to intentions over and above the influence of the two factors contained in the original theory of reasoned action. The results of the analysis confirmed the importance of perceived behavioral control as a third determinant of intentions to lose weight. Although the multiple correlation of intentions with attitudes and subjective norms alone was quite high (r = 0. 65), it increased significantly - to 0. 72 - with the addition of perceived behavioral control. All three independent variables had significant regression coefficients, indicating that each made an independent contribution to the prediction of weight loss intentions. The importance of perceived control over a behavioral goal has also been demonstrated in the context of scholastic performance (Ajzen and Madden, 1986). In one part of the investigation, undergraduate college students enrolled in upper division courses expressed, at the beginning of the semester, their intentions to attempt getting an â€Å"A† grade in the course, as well as their attitudes, subjective norms and perceived control over this behavioral goal. Attitudes toward getting an â€Å"A,† subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control were each assessed by means of several direct questions and on the basis of FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 17 a set of relevant salient beliefs. The measure of intention was a set of three direct questions dealing with intentions to try to get an â€Å"A. † Before turning to the prediction of intentions it is worth noting that the study provided support for the hypothesized relation between direct and belief-based measures of attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control. The correlations between the two types of measures ranged from 0. 7 to 0. 57 (p ; 0. 01). The second row in Table 6. 7 shows the correlations of intentions to get an â€Å"A† with the direct measures of attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. A hierarchical regression analysis revealed that attitudes and perceived behavioral control each had a significant effect on intention. On the basis of attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm alone, the multiple correlation with intention was 0. 48 (P ; 0. 01). The introduction of perceived behavioral control on the second step of the regression analysis raised the multiple correlation significantly to the level of 0. 5. Losing weight and getting an â€Å"A† in a course are both behavioral goals over which people clearly have only limited volitional control. In addition to the desire to lose weight, people have to be familiar with an appropriate diet or exercise regimen, and they have to be capable of adhering to the diet or exercise program in the face of distractions and temptations. Similarly, getting an â€Å"A† in a course depends not only on strong motivation but also on intellectual ability, availability of sufficient time for study, resisting temptations to engage in activities more attractive than studying, and so on. It is not surprising, therefore, that perceived behavioral control is found to influence intentions to pursue or not to pursue these behavioral goals. There is also evidence, however, that even when problems of volitional control are much less apparent, people*s intentions are affected by their control beliefs. In the investigation by Ajzen and Madden (1986) records were kept of students* attendance of eight class lectures following administration of a questionnaire. The questionnaire contained measures of intention to attend classes regularly, attitudes toward this behavior, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. The latter three variables were again assessed by means of direct questions and, more indirectly, on the basis of sets of salient beliefs. The correlations between the belief indices and the direct measures were significant, ranging from 0. 47 to 0. 54 (p ; 0. 01). As to the prediction of intentions from the direct measures, in the third row of Table 6. 7 it can be seen that perceived behavioral control correlated significantly with intentions, as did attitudes and subjective norms. A hierarchical regression analysis showed that on the basis of attitudes and subjective norms alone, the multiple correlation with intentions was (P ; 0. 1). However, the addition of perceived behavioral control on the second step improved the prediction significantly, resulting in a multiple correlation of 0. 68. The findings presented up to this point indicate that the original theory of reasoned action, with its implication that perceived behavioral control can influence intention only indirectly via a ttitude or subjective norms, is not sufficient. The addition of perceived behavioral control as a direct determinant of intention improved prediction of several behaviors, and this effect was independent of attitudes and subjective norms. ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 18 Prediction of goal attainment The theory of planned behavior also suggests the possibility that perceived behavioral control may be related to behavior not only indirectly, via its effect on intentions, but also directly, over and above the effect due to intentions. This possibility was explored in the studies described above in which attempts were made to predict attainment of three behavioral goals: attending lectures on a regular basis, getting an â€Å"A† in a course, and losing weight. Table 6. shows the correlations between intentions and perceived behavioral control on the one hand and attainment of the behavioral goal on the other. With respect to regular class attendance, both intentions and p erceived control correlated significantly with actual behavior. A hierarchical regression analysis, however, showed that the addition of perceived behavioral control did not improve prediction of behavior significantly. This was expected since class attendance is a behavior over which students have considerable volitional control. The addition of a (subjective) measure of control thus added little information of value in the prediction of actual behavior. In contrast, losing weight does pose problems of volitional control. As would therefore be expected, the results with respect to attainment of this goal showed the relevance of perceived behavioral control quite dramatically. As can be seen in the second row of Table 6. 8, both intentions and perceived control correlated significantly with goal attainment, but perceived control was the better predictor of the two. The addition of perceived behavioral control on the second step of a hierarchical regression analysis improved prediction significantly, raising the multiple correlation with goal attainment from 0. 25 to 0. 44. Perhaps the most interesting results, however, emerged in the study on getting an â€Å"A† in a course. The questionnaire assessing the different constructs of the theory of planned behavior was administered twice, once at the beginning of the semester and again toward the end. Perception of control over getting an â€Å"A† should, of course, become more accurate as the end of the semester approaches. As an addition to intentions, the later measure of perceived behavioral control should therefore contribute to the prediction of course grades more than the earlier measure. The data presented in the last two rows of Table 6. 8 lend support to this hypothesis. Although both measures, intentions and perceived control, gained in predictive accuracy, the more dramatic gain was observed with respect to the latter. Moreover, hierarchical regression analysis showed that whereas with the data obtained early in the semester, only intentions had a significant effect on behavior, with the later data, both ntentions and perceived behavioral control had significant regression coefficients. Thus, the addition of perceived behavioral control had no effect on the accuracy of behavioral prediction for the data obtained early in the semester, but it raised the correlation significantly from 0. 39 to 0. 45 for the data obtained toward the end of the semester. 4 FROM INTENTIONS TO ACTIONS 19 Before con cluding this discussion it may be instructive to take a closer look at the way in which the examination of control beliefs can aid our understanding of the factors that determine behavioral performance. We shall use academic achievement as an example. This analysis parallels our earlier discussion of behavioral and normative beliefs as determinants of a mother*s choice to breast-feed or bottle-feed her baby. In a pilot study conducted prior to the main experiment, Ajzen and Madden (1986) asked college students to list any factors that could help them get an â€Å"A† in a course and any factors that might make it difficult for them to get an â€Å"A. Four potential facilitating factors mentioned frequently were stimulating subject matter, clear and organized lectures, possession of required skills and background, and availability of help from the instructor. Four frequently mentioned factors whose presence would hamper attaining a good grade were taking other demanding classes, extracurricular activities, arduous text and reading materials, and difficult exams and course requirements. In the second wave of the main experiment, toward the end of the semester, college students were asked to judge, with respect to each of these eight factors, how much the factor was likely to influence their ability to get an â€Å"A† in a particular course they were taking at the time. Table 6. 9 shows the average control beliefs scored in the direction of facilitation (x = factor hinders attaining a good grade, 7 = factor facilitates attaining a good grade) as well as the correlation of each belief with the intention to get an â€Å"A† and with actual grades attained. Inspection of the mean control beliefs reveals that the students who took art in the experiment thought they would be helped by the subject matter of the course which was stimulating enough to motivate them, by the lectures which they considered to be sufficiently clear and organized, by their possessing the required skills and background, and by the ready availability of help from the instructor. On the other hand, the students also believed that they would encounter certain obstacles, especially in the form of demands on their time and energy imposed by other classes they were taking and in the form of extracurricular activities. The correlations displayed in Table 6. demonstrate the impact of these different control beliefs on intentions to make an effort to get an â€Å"A† in the course and on actual grades attained. Of special importance were perceptions concerning the course*s subject matter, lecture organization, possession of required skills and background, and the nature of the exams and other course requirements. The more that students saw these factors as facilitating their performance in the course, the stronger were their intentions to try for an â€Å"A† and the higher were the grades they actually attained. ATTITUDES, PERSONALITY, AND BEHAVIOR 20 In conclusion, the experiments reviewed above have provided some initial support for the theory of planned behavior. The addition of perceived behavioral control to the variables contained in the original theory of reasoned action was found greatly to improve the prediction of behavioral intentions. This finding indicates that perception of behavioral control, like attitude toward the behavior and subjective norm, can have an important impact on a person*s behavioral motivation. The more that attainment of a behavioral goal is viewed as being under volitional control, the stronger is the person*s intention to try. In addition, perceived behavioral control can also improve the prediction of actual behavior beyond the level obtained on the basis of intentions alone. This is the case, however, only under certain conditions. First, the behavior must at least in part be determined by factors beyond a person*s control. When the behavior is largely under volitional control, intentions alone are found to be sufficient to predict it. Secondly, perceived behavioral control must be fairly realistic, reflecting actual control to a reasonable degree. This condition was apparently met in the study on weight loss, and it was also fulfilled toward the end of the semester in the study on academic performance. Summary and conclusions This chapter discussed a theoretical framework, the theory of planned behavior, that can help us predict and understand the performance of specific action tendencies. We examined some of the factors that influence deliberate performance of willful actions as well as additional factors that must be taken into account when we are dealing with behaviors or behavioral go